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• 作者：枫叶无双 发布时间：2021-04-25 12:28:51

  讲解通俗易懂，插图很有意思，很新颖，时代感也很强。

• 作者：danyboy 发布时间：2015-12-15 23:06:44

  确实是写童话故事的素材。

• 作者： 发布时间：2023-04-22 22:22:26

  历史是带有主观的记录

• 作者：Lottie 发布时间：2022-01-23 15:41:43

  周末两天在家又急切又不舍地读完，来看评论，许多人觉得遗稿是先生隐私，先生临终前烧过许多手稿，走后再将其集结发表的行为是为不齿。但作为读者我还是有私心。读过这些无遮无掩的私房话、随写随止的小心事，才在脑海中构成了一个更鲜活的木心。毕竟先前的文学讲稿他也是不愿出版的（他说称不上是“作品”）。我倒是想，若后人有清晰的自觉，明白先生对著之纸帛的审慎，抱着此种心情去读也好，祈求先生不会太责怪。

• 作者：Ni 发布时间：2021-11-13 23:50:31

  故事内容本身没问题，但是对于4岁还不懂东南西北概念的孩子来说有点太牵强了～

• 作者：北溟火羽 发布时间：2023-02-28 19:34:48

  专业运动员用的。。。九流骑行者完全用不上

• 作者：蜗牛格格 发布时间：2023-03-07 20:31:36

  流浪地球2里宝宝最喜欢的绘本

  读《爸爸，我要月亮》

  如果你小时候也有过摘月亮的梦想；

  如果你想成为一个给宝宝摘月亮的爸爸或妈妈；

  如果你想和宝宝共读一本关于月亮的书；

  那一定不能错过这本《爸爸，我要月亮》这本绘本。

  01

  月亮如果真的能伸缩，我们的生活会变成什么样

  《爸爸，我要月亮》是一本绘本，故事里的小朋友想要一个月亮，一个想满足女儿愿望的爸爸就去为女儿摘月亮。

  在故事里，月亮很配合，变大变小，变小是为了爸爸能摘到给女儿，变大是因为让人们看到月亮的原样。

  生活里的月亮如果也可以伸缩，那么，我们的生活会变成什么样呢？这会不会让你想起流浪地球2里的月亮呢？

  每个孩子都有一个关于月亮的梦想，一方面想登上月亮去看另一个星球的世界，另一方面是对于一个新星球的畅想。

  绘本里的开页设计很独特，有大折页的月亮，也有大开页的图案相接，便于亲子阅读，能够一边理解电影里的内容，一边来读绘本的图片。

  02

  提供一个想像的月亮，创造一个创想的空间

  如果说亲子阅读是一个交流的过程，那在看到一幅图片时，或许是打开儿童想像的大门。所以，绘本是打开一个想像的空间，但不会限制想像。

  关于爸爸我要月亮的这个绘本，如果孩子也对爸爸提出想要一个月亮的时候，爸爸可以打开绘本里特殊折页的大月亮，一起和孩子共同去体会月亮的世界。

  更多的时候，通过绘本这个载体，搭建的是父母与孩子沟通的桥梁。在这样一个创想的空间里，让孩子打开交流的通路。

  03

  摘一个月亮给自己，愿月亮与我们同在

  有时候关于绘本的力量，文字是稀少的，但是作为父母，有时候是依托于绘本让孩子通过读图来引导出问题。

  通过这样的一种绘本的特殊形式，摘一个月亮给自己，愿月亮与我们同在。

  2023年，愿你在文字里与自己相遇，见证烟火滚烫，人间美好。

  

  

  

  

  

• The Fortune Cookie Chronicles

  作者：弱水三千 发布时间：2009-01-07 18:01:34

  September 16

  The Fortune Cookie Chronicles

  This book successfully pursued some puzzles I have had for a long time, including, of course, General Tso’s Chicken and fortune cookies. It tried to trace the development of Chinese food in America from non-existence into a quintessential American institution that is as American as the apple pie. For anyone who has lived and travelled in America as I did, the book will read like a nostalgic journey back to the good old days in US, strung together by various encounters with Chinese food, which, although felt totally mundane at the time, now re-emerged as warm, meaningful, and almost irreplaceable.

  The book starts with the extraordinary story of one PowerBall drawing, which ended up with 110 winners all over the country, all guided by the lucky numbers they found on their fortune cookies. The author went out to track down every winner. From there, came the story about how ubiquitous Chinese food is in the American life. There are chapters on General Tso’s chicken, the most popular dish in Chinese restaurant (actually not too far away from becoming the national dish for US), on the restaurant menus in NYC that are as invasive as cockroaches, on the history of fortune cookies (turns to be Japanese in origin), the history of chop suey, the Jewish community’s love affair with Chinese food, the white, fold-up boxes for Chinese takeaways, and on restaurant workers. But near the end, it digresses into a search for the best Chinese restaurant all over the globe. This is a meaningless mission, a total waste of resources, and disservice to an otherwise coherent and compact book.

  The historical investigations into the origins of General Tso’s chicken, the fortune cookies, and chop suey are informative, but not really useful. What is more valuable is the more sociological investigation on various social processes or relations that manifest themselves through Chinese food. Some of the stories I’m familiar with, for example, the ordeals illegal immigrants from Fuzhou went through to get to US and make some $2000 a month delivering Chinese food, exemplified by the Golden Venture incident. Peter Kwong’s Forbidden Workers did a more thorough job on this.

  But the story on American Jews’ love affair with Chinese food is quite surprising to me. I had thought that the liberal use of lard in Chinese food would make it problematic for Jews. But turns out not. To early Jewish immigrants, eating Chinese food not only helped them to shed their image of country-hicks (from Eastern Europe) and become cosmopolitan, but also gave them a sense of superiority and belonging when Chinese immigrant treated them simply as “White”—or, in Philip Roth’s words, “a big-nosed variety of WASP”. Now I understand why at Christmas Eve it was so difficult to get a table at that Seven Seas restaurant in Rockville—all those other diners competing for tables with us were most likely Jews!

  The author went beyond Forbidden Workers by following how lives of restaurant workers unwind in US—another new frontier for me. I already knew that East Broadway in Manhattan had become the new Chinatown and the epicenter for the newly arrived Fuzhouness immigrants. What I didn’t know is how effectively it now works as a labor market and how influential it is to the entire industry of Chinese restaurant. Immigrant workers start from there and go out to thousands of zip codes all over US to work in restaurants. To facilitate the movement of these labor, various long-distance bus services emerged and developed into what we now know as the Chi-Chi buses.

  Chinese restaurants in America are a gold mine for sociological researches. How an industry filled with unrelated, small and independent operations become so highly standardized? How this standardized mode of operation in Chinese restaurant and the national labor market serving it affect lives of new immigrants? How intra-Chinese ethnicity comes into play in the restaurant business now that Fuzhou immigrants are the dominant group? How innovations come about in such an industry, as shown in the growth of mega-buffet-restaurant like East Buffet? What is the life experience of these itinerant workers who move from one strange town to another in a country totally foreign to them? If I were still a graduate student, I would start my career from there.

    

  I have to say I didn’t fully realize the importance and ubiquity of Chinese food in American life until I read this book. I probably have experienced every aspect of Chinese food in America personally: from that small one run a Chinese from Korea in Alaska to 宝来宫on 72 Street, Forest Hills. But I didn’t reflect upon how symbolic the things associated with Chinese restaurant have become for the American experience: the fortune cookies, the chopsticks in red paper wrapping, the white take-out boxes, the soy-sauce packets, and dishes like General Tso’s chicken, which, not surprisingly, were Kevin and Chris’s favorite. My experience with Chinese food in America started with a false sense of familiarity, based on the mistaken assumption that I knew Chinese food better than Americans. It then went to surprise blended with some disgust: how could Chinese food be like these! What the heck is General Tso’s chicken?!

  As my sojourning in America prolonged, I then started to experience Chinese food in America as a newly acquainted, but easily close friend. We began to search for it as our rescue and our last resort when traveling in culinary waste land, which was pretty much everywhere in the US outside the big cities. Despite our resolution to try to finally stay away from Chinese restaurant in a trip, we still crawled back to a dimly lit chifa in Cuzco adorned with red lanterns that made it look more like a brothel than a restaurant. The dishes were both familiar and horrible, just like what you would expect from a Chinese restaurant in a small American town, but the feeling was warm and the sense of homecoming palpable. No matter how bad a Chinese meal is, at least we can always confidently laugh at it and, at the same time, warmly savor the pride of being Chinese, even though that broccoli beef may have been cooked up by a Quechua-speaking Peruvian, who thought their deposed president Fujimori was a Chino.