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• 作者：无名程 发布时间：2021-04-18 11:02:41

  []今天摄取的膳食纤维是否足够？

  []今天喝的水是否足够？

  []今天的睡眠是否足够？

  []今天吃下适量的蛋白质、碳水化合物、脂肪了吗？

  []今天是否吃的热量高过基础代谢所需？

  []今天是否选择高品质的天然食物，避免精加工饮食？

  []本周是否规律运动了吗？

  []在做上述这些事情的时候，是否能从中找到乐趣？

• 作者：qianlei063 发布时间：2018-10-20 18:53:47

  症状都对上了，就是没能提出解决方案~

• 作者：看不到我 发布时间：2019-06-19 17:51:10

  理想治理

• 作者：係鬼 发布时间：2022-03-06 17:19:01

  不推荐，不知道是不是翻译的问题，讲的不是很清楚，条理性一般，而且内容已经过时

• 作者：顾行 发布时间：2022-09-17 20:36:11

  绘图工作功德无量

• 作者：安去急 发布时间：2018-05-15 23:49:22

  #每晚一本书# 第38本-《害羞的孩子也强大》

  1.金句：健康的自我感觉是：我一切都好，我很珍贵，很独立，我就是我！这是一种发自内心的感觉，也是一种让自我感到幸福的感觉，与收入、能力及成绩无关。

  2.精华：孩子强大的六大支柱：第一支柱，健康的自我感觉；第二支柱，加强自信；第三支柱，学会自我管理；第四支柱，训练社交能力；第五支柱，克服严重的社交恐惧；第六支柱，父母与孩子一起成长。

  3.思考：养育孩子的过程在于发现。第一，父母发现孩子的内在或外在特质，发现孩子身上蕴藏着的天赋和长处；第二，父母的自我发现，孩子给了父母第二次“成长”的机会，在这个过程中修复自己与父母在成长关系中的错误经历。

  用一本书来说晚安，好梦！

• Reevaluating the Heritage of the Mongol Conquests

  作者：weictsai 发布时间：2013-12-01 19:25:25

  之前應H-War的邀稿，在寫這本書的書評。下面是書評全文。我自己覺得這本書寫得不錯，算是世界史風行以來，新近的研究中寫得最完整的一本。跟Rossabi之前出版的世界史教材The Mongols and Global History: A Norton Documents Reader相比，這本書更像是一本專著。雖然內容有些小瑕疵，例如把Erdene Zuu的興建者喀爾喀的阿巴泰汗誤植為土默特的阿勒坦汗，但是瑕不掩瑜。第三章「1350年的世界：一個全球的世界」，是我目前讀過用最短的篇幅而能恰當總結蒙古帝國崩潰後的歐亞世界概況，特別是內亞部分。由於作者本身研究蒙古軍事史，所以第五章有關軍事的部分寫得也很不錯，特別是蒙古的戰術對現代戰略思想的影響。推薦給有興趣的朋友。:-)

  --

  Link:

  http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=36345

  Timothy May. The Mongol Conquests in World History. London: Reaktion Books, 2011. 304 pp. $45.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-86189-867-8.

  Reviewed by Wei-chieh Tsai (Indiana University)

  Published on H-War (September, 2012)

  Commissioned by Margaret Sankey

  Reevaluating the Heritage of the Mongol Conquests

  The Mongol conquests shook Eurasia and were of significant influence in world history. Since the 1970s, a great number of articles and books have been written or edited evaluating or re-examining its heritage. Among those works, J. J. Saunders’ The History of the Mongol Conquests (1971) and David Morgan’s The Mongols (first published in 1986 and second edition in 2007) are of great use for students and experts of Mongol history. In the past two decades, Thomas T. Allsen has made an immense contribution on this topic. His books Commodity and Exchange in the Mongol Empire: A Cultural History of Islamic Textiles (1997) and Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia (2001) expand our vision about the cultural exchange in Eurasia. As new archaeological evidences are found, we can better understand the technological and material exchange between East Asia and the Middle East. Many papers about these topics have been edited into books, such as The Legacy of Genghis Khan: Courtly Art and Culture in Western Asia, 1256-1353 (edited by Linda Komaroff and Stefano Carboni, 2002) and Beyond the Legacy of Genghis Khan (edited by Linda Komaroff, 2006). By dint of those works, May’s new book The Mongol Conquests in World History digests those modern findings and shows us the latest development in this field. [1]

  Opening with a concise introduction of sources and theoretical concerns, May’s book is divided into two parts: “The Mongol Conquests as Catalyst” and “The Chinggis Exchange.” May considers the Mongol conquests to have changed the political map of Eurasia and offered a platform for the Chinggis Exchange, a term which was coined by its initiator, Chinggis Khan. The first part has three chapters and respectively deals with the formation, dissolution, and aftermath of the Mongol empire. Since May is an expert of Mongol military history, he offers his readers a fairly clear account of Mongol conquests in Eurasia. The third chapter is a succinct overview of the Eurasian regimes in the post-Mongol era.

  The second part includes seven chapters, each discussing a different dimension of the Chinggis Exchange: trade, warfare (and technology), administration, religion, germ (bubonic plague), human (migration), and culture. In the trade chapter, May mentions how Chinese paper money influenced the monetary reform in the Middle East (pp. 128-129). He also points out that the Mongol capitals Karakorum and New Saray rose and fell with the development of the Mongol empire since the Mongols deliberately arranged the post-road routes for merchants (p. 119, 126). The warfare chapter is based on May’s first book and is an admirable account about Mongol military and its modern influence. He is also cautious in pointing out that at that time the gunpowder might not have been applied outside of China since we have no archaeological evidences and philology is not enough to support this theory (p. 152). [2] In the administration chapter, May demonstrates that the Mongol governance was coherent inside of the empire by means of taxation, and the pervasive census facilitated the implement of taxation. The Mongols left their successors a new model for administrating their territories. As for religion, the Mongols were known for being tolerant of world religions, but they did not convert to any of them until the dissolution of their empire. In May’s opinion, the main reason is that the Mongols believed they obtained a mandate from heaven to conquer the world, and to adopt another religion meant losing their identity. Even though the Mongols converted to Buddhism and Islam, they actually adopted the syncretic form of those religions which was more flexible to foreign elements. Therefore the Mongols would not need to convert at the expense of changing their identity (p. 197). In the migration chapter, May argues that the Pax Mongolica not only facilitated migration, but also contributed to the establishment of Turkic states in Eurasia. In the final chapter, May probes some cultural exchanges which have been undervalued, like food and apparel.

  Although May has done a good job evaluating roles of different peoples under the Mongol rule, the part concerning the importance of the Uighurs could still be elaborated. It is correct that Xi Xia was the first sedentary power that the Mongols invaded (p. 38). But we need to notice that the first sedentary power that joined the Mongol camp was the Uighurs. The Uighurs’ obligations to the Mongols became a model for later states that were incorporated into the Mongol empire. For instance, the subordinate ruler had to pay homage to the Mongol khan in person, he had to send his relatives as hostages, and his territory was subject to Mongol taxation, military recruitment, and post-road system. As for Uighur cultural influence on the Mongols, Chinggis Khan ordered to adopt the Uighur script for writing Mongolian. Tata Tong’a, the creator of Mongolian writing, is Uighur. Uighur script and scribes were popular for the Mongol administration. Chinqai (?-1252), chief minister of Ögedei and Güyüg Khan, was also Uighur. The Mongol conquests also made the Uighur culture spread across Eurasia. [3]

  As for the transformation of the Mongol identity, May mentions the Khamag Mongol Ulus, a common identity created by Chinggis Khan for replacing the old ethnic identities, such as the Kereits and the Naimans (pp. 36-37). May uses this term as a proper noun and for him it seems that there existed a Khamag Mongol Ulus in the pre-Chinggis era. Therefore, Khamag Mongol Ulus served as the archetype of the Yeke Monggol Ulus (p. 213). Although some Soviet and Mongol scholars had the same assumption, Igor de Rachewiltz demonstrated that this might not be an acceptable reading and the khamag Mongol ulus simply means all the Mongols, not a proper noun or an appellation for the pre-Chinggis Mongol state. [4]

  Some minor mistakes in the editing were found in the book. Zhao Gong 趙珙, the author of Mengda beilu (Record of the Mongols and Tatars), is erroneously transcribed into Zhao Hong (p. 17). Zhongxing 中興, the capital of Xi Xia, was wrongly transcribed into Zhongxiang (p. 39, 45). The famous Mongol Buddhist monastery Erdene Zuu was not sponsored by Altan Khan of Tümed, but Abatai Khan of Khalkha (p. 116).

  May’s book reveals to us that during the Chinggis Exchange of the medieval world the Mongols played an active role. Before the rise of the Mongols, the Islamic Middle East and the Confucian East Asia were not interested in international exchange. Without the Mongols, the major Eurasian civilizations might not have been forced to start large-scale interactions and exchanges since they were all highly self-conceited and looked down on other civilizations. As the subject of world history becomes more and more popular, May’s work is an admirable contribution in this field and a necessary guide for teaching and research today.

  Note

  [1]. Although Rossabi published two books about the Mongols recently and also touches this topic, one is more like a textbook or reader for students and the other is a booklet for introducing the Mongols to the public. The main audience of both books is not academic researchers. See Morris Rossabi, _The Mongols and Global History: A Norton Documents Reader_ (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2011) and _The Mongols: A Very Short Introduction_ (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2012).

  [2]. See Timothy May, _The Mongol Art of War: Chinggis Khan and the Mongol Military System_ (Yardley, PA: Westholme Publishing, 2007).

  [3]. For the Uighurs under Mongol rule, see Thomas T. Allsen, “The Yüan Dynasty and the Uighurs of Turfan in the 13th Century,” in _China among Equals: The Middle Kingdom and Its Neighbors, 10th-14th Centuries_, ed. Morris Rossabi (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983), 261-269.

  [4]. Igor de Rachewiltz, trans., _The Secret History of the Mongols: A Mongolian Epic Chronicle of the Thirteenth Century_, 2nd impr. with corr. (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 296.

• 一部英雄主义和理想主义的历史小说

  作者：延陵古风 发布时间：2013-09-15 20:51:59

  建国后十七年时期包括八十年代初期，描写农民起义的文学作品是历史小说中的主体，后来，随着改革开放的深入，阶级斗争不再是历史发展的主要动力，因此在文艺界，涉及封建时代农民起义的作品便寥若晨星了。

  《星星草》是女作家凌力的处女作，创作于史无前例的十年浩劫中，在文革后发表。虽然题材是让当代读者所不讨喜的农民战争题材，但是读起来却觉得是一部文笔清新动人的作品。

  作品歌颂的正面人物是捻军起义的英雄，东捻军的领袖太平天国遵王赖文光和鲁王任化邦，西捻军的领袖梁王张宗禹，他们身上所反映出来的在逆境中的不屈，为了所谓‘天国“的平等社会的理想殒身不恤的高尚节操，他们的善良和睿智，在作品中达到了近乎尽善尽美的境界。包括赖文光与卜寡妇，张宗禹与罗晚妹的爱情，也写得恬淡脱俗，很有点不食人间烟火的味道。而作品中的反面人物，如曾国藩、李鸿章、左宗棠等中兴名臣，僧格林沁、刘铭传、潘鼎新等清军将领的刻画，非常生动，没有一味地丑化，写出了人物性格的复杂性和层次感。

  小说的主线是捻军从太平军失败后的低潮中坚持战斗，走向辉煌，在曹州大战击毙蒙古亲王僧格林沁，此后东西捻军分军作战，被清廷的河防战略分头剿灭。此外作品中有一条似乎游离于主线之外的旁线，是读书人李如秀的身世际遇，从新婚后向往太平生活，厌恶战争，到经历家破妻亡、流落于江湖市井、屈身于水寇巢穴，到最终向往捻军，最终在捻军失败后遁入空门，他的经历很生动地写出了乱世中一个普通下层读书人的坎坷命途，而他的妻子玉燕的遭遇却写的太过悲惨，让人觉得虐心。这条副线设置的很巧妙，并不完全游离于主线，同时展现了更为广阔的社会生活画卷。

  对于旧时代的农民起义的英雄，中国的历代史书，本着成王败寇的原则，都以”逆匪“称之，对于清朝的”发捻“之乱，当时人的著作是不可能为其做赞的，即使是当代，目太平天国为"邪教"的也大有人在。但是，我总是对这些起义的英雄怀着某种敬仰和憧憬的，尽管他们并不像文学作品中所描绘的那么完美。因为，他们面对压迫敢于反抗，敢于向命运抗争，敢于向”天道“提出质疑。人们总是单方面强调旧式农民起义的破坏性，但是为什么看不到这些走投无路的人们为了生存和尊严而铤而走险的合理性呢？

  ’天下多男人，尽是兄弟之辈，天下多女子，尽是姊妹之群。何得存此疆彼界之私，何可起尔吞我并之念？”“几何陵夺斗杀之世，其不一旦变而为强不犯弱，众不暴寡，智不诈愚，勇不苦怯之世也！”太平天国的上层领导人，像洪杨之流，在晚期背离了他们自己提出的这种理念，但是为了这种社会理念而与清廷斗争的太平军和捻军战士们，依然值得人们崇敬。只要有一天，这世上还存在压迫和不平，这种精神就永远值得流传下去。

  小说的文笔，清新而流畅，虽然没有完全摆脱正面人物过于高大全的弊病，但那只是理想主义小说的通病。至少现在，读这种小说仍然能让我感到感动，尽管知道其中的某些描写未必就是历史的真实，因为毕竟这种正面歌颂社会下层中真善美的作品太少了。